Gender Stereotyping , Sex and Violence in Portuguese and Spanish Advertisement

This study analyses the gender stereotypes, sex and violence in advertisements in all media except radio, from Portugal and Spain. We have conducted this study after ascertaining that gender stereotypes, as well as sexual and violent scenes, are embedded in advertisement as a formula to increase the possibility of remembering them. This advertisement analysis explores gender stereotyping, sex and violence, both for the Portuguese and Spanish advertisement market. We used a sample of 245 messages from Portuguese and Spanish advertising and a specific grid for this analysis from. We used all media, except radio, between July and November of 2008. The messages were selected from the following categories of products: foods and non-alcoholic beverages, cars and accessories, restaurants and commercial spaces, financial services and insurance, household products, electronic devices and communications, clothes and alcoholic beverages. These ads messages were select with a criterion of the characters. All messages must have at least one character, male or female. The messages were selected from the following categories of products: foods and non-alcoholic beverages, cars and accessories, restaurants and commercial spaces, financial services and insurance, household products, electronic devices and communications, clothes and alcoholic beverages. These ads messages were select with a criterion of the characters. All messages must have at least one character, male or female. The results in Portugal and Spain about gender stereotypes are in line with previous advertising studies from different countries across the years, showing that it prevails despite the change in women ́s role in the world. However, there were practically no situations of discrimination of women or placing them in subordinate roles to men. The results also show us that sex and violence are in a lower level in the advertising of Portugal and Spain. advertising messages from (all) media – Television 83 – Press – 149 – Outdoor 9 – Internet 4. The TV ads were found from 200 hours watched in prime time, (between July and November of 2008 in all broadcast in open signal in Portugal, and Spain, the press ads were found from 300 titles consulted, between July and November of 2008, 22 mensal review, 5 weekly review like, and diary and weekly press, the Internet ads were found from 90 visits to the sites with more visits in Portugal and Spain, between July 2008 and November 2008. Finally the messages from Outdoor came from 50 visits to locations where they were placed between July 2008 and November 2008 in Lisbon and Badajoz.


Introduction
Our research purpose is mainly centred to identify how gender stereotyping is portrayed in Portuguese and Spanish advertising.We also analysed the level of sex and violence that is embedded in the ads messages and the cross cultural level of gender stereotyping.
To analyse the gender stereotype, we have different models supported in different theories.Of the several theories on gender, they all have in common the argument that gender is considered to be more than a personal feature; they consider it as a social structure.In what concerns speech, it refers to the differentiation between people of opposite sexes (Amâncio 2003, p. 707).To analyse the gender stereotype in advertising messages, we have a lot of several content analysis supported in one of the first academic study from McArthur and Resko (1975).Our study was also supported in ours previous research, (Pereira & Verissimo, 2005, Pereira & Verissimo, 2006, and Pereira & Verissimo, 2008).
To analyse sex and violence in advertising messages we followed the studies from Geer, Judice and Jackson (1994) and Williamson, Kosmitzki and Kibler (1995).These studies have demonstrated that sex and violence interfere with the attention rewarded to advertisement messages and the potential to remember them.Interference can even lead to such a level of distraction that consumer remembers those scenes more than the products or services advertised.Yet, the use of stereotyping gender, sex and violence in advertisement has been necessary to reproduce social realities.
This study was conducted to identify the gender stereotyping in advertising and the sex and violence in the two countries, Portugal and Spain.The paper was divided in four phases, one about the theoretical Background, the method used in the research, the results and the conclusions.

Theoretical Background
Women and men have in the majority of society's differentiated roles.The gender stereotyping is built in an unconscious level with a lot of beliefs about men and women behaviours and their roles in society (Geis et al., 1984).The social change in the last century allowed that men and women become with fewer differences in their roles, then more similar, (López-Sáez, et al., 2008).
The study of gender stereotyping in advertising is one subject that has produced a lot of researches.One of the most relevant researches in this domain was developed by McArthur and Resko (1975) with a coding scheme that was the support to many following researches.The principal interest to study this object is related with the gender differences between males and females in society and identifies how these differences are in evolution and verify if women is still continuing to be discriminated in advertising because there is a social pressure in our societies to maintain this discrimination (Uray & Burnaz, 2003).The use of this traditional gender stereotyping in advertising contributes to perpetuate the inequalities in society.
In this perspective if advertising acts as a reproducer of social aspects then, stereotyping the gender, the sex and violence towards women would be increasing in commercial messages.

Gender stereotyping in advertisement
Stereotyping involves labelling people with a set of features, associated to a particular group, thus differentiating them from others (Baker, 1999).Therefore, stereotypes are simplifications that characterise individuals of a particular group, which are easily conveyed between generations, used in nearly all the realms of a human being's social life.Gender stereotypes have been used to differentiate men and women socially and simultaneously to discriminate women in society, subordinating them.
Media and especially advertisement, as reproducers of social realities, have been proven to convey such stereotypes by portraying women in situations in which they can influence the messages' impact.This has been widely used for two main reasons: for its power to influence the purchase by creating an aspiration for identification and for its power of seduction, portraying women as objects of desire, especially in those situations in which they are used solely as a decorative object.
Of the several studies carried out on gender stereotyping in advertisement, of the latter years, we refer to those of Neto and Pinto (1998), Furnham and Mak (1999), Valls-Ferandez and Martinez-Vicente (2007), Ahlstrand (2007), and Pereira andVerissimo (2005, 2008).The results of all these studies show that: 1. Men are chosen predominantly for television ads, especially cast in leading roles; 2. Men are cast in dominant roles, as experts or interviewers, and women in dependent roles and as product users; 3. Men are portrayed in outdoor social activities, or in professional activities, while women are portrayed in more dependent roles, as mothers, wives, housewives playing out household chores; 4. Women are younger then men, and promote products related to household chores and body products; 5. Men are more associated to financial products, cars and sports, than women; 6. Women are portrayed more as sexual objects; 7. Men are cast more as voice-over narrators in television messages, as well as interviewers or narrators.
The evolution of the society shows us that the patterns in gender stereotyping in advertising don't appear to be the same worldwide.In the developed countries the stereotypes oriented to the discrimination seems to be decreasing (Kim & Lowry, 2005), but the analyse carried by Steinghen, Eisend and Knoll (2009) in a longitudinal analysis shows us that there is no change of the gender stereotyping in TV advertising over time.
Gender stereotypes and sex in advertisement have been used to demean women, discriminating them in relation to men.A study conducted by the National Organisation for Women (NOW) in 1972 in the USA, concluded that women were very frequently associated to stereotypes of housewives, being dependent on men, or stereotypes in which they were considered as decorative objects and not very intelligent.In the next decade, other studies led to the conclusion that women were associated to pleasure, with significant importance placed on sexual aspects (Gill, 2003).In Europe the studies on gender in media were more concerned with ideology and how the media reproduced the dominant gender ideologies (Williamson, 1978).Finally in the 1990s studies surfaced centred on multiple masculinities, focusing on the different ways men were depicted (Gill, 2003).Thus, one may conclude that society has always considered women to be inferior to men, discriminating women both in society and at the workplace.This discrimination was based on an asymmetric social construction of gender, where the masculine is anchored on a representation of universality, whilst the feminine is anchored on a community of (over)sexed invisibles, hopelessly different from men (Amâncio, 2003).
So, if through gender stereotyping unconscious beliefs were formed dictating men and women's behaviour, as well as their expertise in society (Geis et al. 1984), advertisement, especially television ads, exert a strong social pressure to create a stereotyped vision of the world and society, especially resulting to gender stereotyping (Pereira & Verissimo, 2008).
Also, in advertising the way that main character or central figure is portrayed reveals stereotyping when, for example, women are more often portrayed together with other women and/or children than men (Steinhagen, Eisend, & Knoll, 2009).
According to Valls-Ferandez, and Martinez-Vicente (2007), in terms of producttype, the results of many studies show significant relationships between the main character's gender and the product type being advertised and, in general, female characters are more likely than male characters to represent domestic products.But it depends on the criteria and codification used by researchers.Steinghen, Eisend and Knoll (2009) refer that stereotyping take place when women are depicted more often with domestic products (e.g., body, home, food), and when men are more often depicted with other products (e.g., cars, leisure, alcohol).Neto and Pinto (1999) found significant association between gender and type of product being advertised as women were more frequently associated with body and food products than men, and males were more likely to advertise auto and sports products.As well Valls-Fernandez, and Martinez-Vicente (2007), found significant differences between men and women as a function of the product being advertised as women were present more often than men in the category referred to as body products and men were present to a greater degree than women in the automobile category.
Visible characteristics of characters can provide information about the nature of people's psychological states and social roles (Neto & Pinto, 1999).The type of character depicted by advertising has an important part played in the message.Roles presented by central figures in everyday life can represent stereotyping when women are more often depicted in dependent roles or relative to others (e.g., parent, spouse) and men are more often depicted in autonomous roles or independent from others (e.g., professional, worker, celebrity) as defined by Steinhagen, Eisend, and Knoll (2009).Occupation leads to another form of role playing in an advertising context as suggested by Valls-Ferandez, and Martinez-Vicente (2007) whom found significant differences according to gender in the type of activity presented where women were shown in greater proportion than men in childcare activities and men appeared in greater proportion than women in professional work activities.
Also the type of model chosen to perform in commercial ads represents either common people, who reproduce daily life or, on the hand, represents someone famous or celebrity.This character also plays a role towards the advertised product or service and acts as testimonial, influencer or product user.
Gender Stereotyping, Sex and Violence in Portuguese and Spanish Advertisement . Francisco Costa Pereira, Jorge Verissimo, Ana Castillo Diaz, Rosário Correia Advertising action occurs in a set which contains a location, as the physical place where action happens (at home or work-place, or even shopping) and a scenario as the disposition embedded in the location such as a seductive scenario, a daily life one or a testimonial place.Stereotyping typically occurs when women are more often depicted at home, whereas men are more often shown at work (Steinghen, Eisend & Knoll, 2009).Valls-Fernandez, and Martinez-Vicente (2007) found significant differences regarding gender, where women appeared in greater proportion than men in house or home settings and men appeared in greater proportion than women in work settings.
In a strategic advertising approach commercial ads often value symbolic or rational product attributes or highlight them, by giving a social signification or implication (when product attributes respond to some kind of social pressure) or a social distinction (when product attributes are driven towards a social higher status) or arguments concern product's physical and proof attributes.

Sex and Violence in Advertisement
Sexual contents have been extensively exploited, especially associated to women's bodies, although in the latter years men's bodies have also started to be exploited.This exploitation and the higher presence of sexual contents are connected to a higher attention paid by the public to such contents (Geer, Judice & Jackson, 1994).
Violence works according to the same paradigm as sex.People pay more attention to the messages that have violent contents then neutral ones, as they demand a higher cognitive effort, Gerbner et al. (1980) identifies and classifies violent acts in advertisement, considering variables such as motivations, background and consequences of such acts, socio-demographic characteristics of both aggressors and victims, the type of violence (physical, verbal and psychological), individual or group virtualisation, as well as the interaction between the persons implicated, the format of the narration (serious or humoristic), the degree of intensity of the violence shown and the manner in which it is exerted (sadism, brutality), etc.The results allow us to use internationally acknowledged indicators (Gerbner et al., 1980), placing evidence on recurring elements, both in the violence shown, as in the stereotypes that affect or determine the behaviour of the characters who resort to violence.

Cultural differences between Spain and Portugal
Our empirical objects are Portuguese and Spanish advertising.These two countries represent two different cultural realities.According to the study of national cultures developed by Hofstede (1991) Portuguese and Spanish have different levels in their cultural dimensions index.For example: in Power Distance -Portugal have a level of 63 and Spain: 57; in Individualism -Portugal have a level of 27 and Spain: 51; in Masculinity -Portugal have a level of 31 and Spain: 42; in Uncertainty avoidance -Portugal have a level of 104 and Spain: 86.
In Portugal we identified more inequalities between social classes, between people and power figures.Spain tends to be more individualist where people tend to have fewer ties between them.Portuguese people tend to be more collectivist, more integrated into cohesive groups.
Spanish men tend to be more assertive and competitive than Portuguese men.Finally Portuguese people feel more threatened by uncertain or unknown situations.With these differences it would be expected that the gender stereotyping could be different in special when the masculinity is more prevalent in Spain.The context of gender stereotyping in Portugal and Spain shows us that this countries have experienced important political, economic and social changes in the last 30 years.Women have considerably increased their educational levels and have been incorporated into the workplace.
Portugal and Spain are considered traditional countries with a masculine ideology.This ideology gives emphasis to the different roles that women and men perform in our society specifically in the power relation, where men are represented in the professional work and women in domestic roles.We are facing one contradiction between the traditional values and equality values that are emerging in our society (Silvan-Ferrero and Bustillos, 2007).Portugal and Spain are moving rapidly toward advanced economic and social-democratic development, but at the same time is rooted in a dominant cultural and religious history that emphasizes different social identities for women and men", (Sánchez y Hall, 1999).During last decades Portugal and Spain experience remarkable changes in social and economic dimensions.One of the most important was the woman in the workplace.
At the workplace the Portuguese women represent in European Union one of the highest level of the feminine job there are 47% and men represent 53% (Instituto Nacional de Estadística [INE], 2009) of the working population.The Portuguese government have created the Commission to the equality of the right of women to make sure that woman and men have the same level of opportunities and rights (Neto and Santos, 2004).
In Spain women represent 45,0% of the population in workplace and men 55,0% (INE 2009).With the increased educational level of women and their incorporation in the public sector in Portugal and Spain, women are more in top management situations than man.In the private sector the situation is inverse as men are in almost totality on top management positions.
With this data we can see that Portugal and Spain are close (aside some differences) on what concerns of women acceptance in professional marketplace.There exists one trend towards equality of opportunities between women and men in workplace and in educational level, despite some inequalities in the political and social level.
Spanish ads presents a highly gender stereotyped portrayal of men and women, who serves to justify the unequal opportunities between genders (Valls-Ferandez & Martinez-Vicente, 2007).Portuguese ads show that there is a highly stereotypical picture of male and female (Neto & Pinto, 1998;Pereira & Verissimo, 2005, 2008).
According to the referred studies, we expect to find in this research more women characters placed in domestic and family roles in indoors situations than men, and, on the other hand, we expect to find more men characters in social and symbolic roles in outdoors situations than women.
With this research we will identify how the gender stereotyping sex and violence are carried by Portuguese and Spanish advertising in all media (except radio), and verify the differences between the two countries.It will be expected that we will find different profiles in the gender stereotyping and different levels about sex and violence in the two countries, because they represent different cultures, like Hofstede showed us (1991).

Method
To analyse gender stereotyping, sex and violence in advertisement we used a grid based on McArthur and Resko's coding scheme (1975) and other authors which we will list later on.The messages that we gathered and analysed had as main criterion the presence of at least one human character.We have used a set of variables in our grid, such as: • The gender of the character -man and woman; • The age of the character -young (18-35), middle-age (36-55) and older (more than 55); • Social origin -urban or rural; • Social class -A, B or C; • Type of the character -common person, ideal person and famous person; • The place where the main, character was found-inside house, outside house and public or private place • The roles undertaken by the character -testimony, user and give influence; • Occupation of the character -family, profession, social and celebrity situations; • The scenarios of the message -seduction, quotidian (everyday life), testimony, nature and mysterious; • The information associated to the products -social signification, social distinction, product benefit and tests and proofs.
In the gender specific situations we also analysed gender equality, discrimination and body exploitation.To study sex in ads we identified different types of sexual situations (Greenburg et. al, 1980) as well as the type of sexual language (Greenburg et al, 1981) and the masculine and feminine stereotypes (Rouner et al, 2003).At the end of the study we carried out a quantitative analysis of the sexual and violent contents in the messages by using a five-point semantic differential.
We used a database with 245 (181 from Portugal and 64 from Spain) advertising messages from (all) media -Television 83 -Press -149 -Outdoor 9 -Internet 4. The TV ads were found from 200 hours watched in prime time, (between July and November of 2008 in all broadcast in open signal in Portugal, and Spain, the press ads were found from 300 titles consulted, between July and November of 2008, 22 mensal review, 5 weekly review like, and diary and weekly press, the Internet ads were found from 90 visits to the sites with more visits in Portugal and Spain, between July 2008 and November 2008.Finally the messages from Outdoor came from 50 visits to locations where they were placed between July 2008 and November 2008 in Lisbon and Badajoz.
The messages were selected from the following categories of products: foods and non-alcoholic beverages, cars and accessories, restaurants and commercial spaces, financial services and insurance, household products, electronic devices and communications, clothes and alcoholic beverages.
These ads messages were select with a criterion of the characters.All messages must have at least one character, male or female.
In terms of procedures for analysing the reliability of the codification, we worked with two independent experts, one male and one female, with long experience in analysing advertisement for the Advertisement Observatory.They received training on the used grid and they made their own independent codification of 15 messages.To identify the agreement index between both codifiers, we used the Kassarjian criteria (1977).The results of the agreement indexes show that they vary between 84% and 100%.The differences that were indentified were discussed until an agreement was reached between codifiers.The agreement index with Cohen Kappa analysis was the following: • The gender of the character -man and woman -value 1 significance 0,000; • The age of the character -young (18-35), middle-age (36-55) and older (more than 55) -value 1 significance 0,000; • Social origin -urban or rural -value 1 significance 0,000; • Social Class -A, B or C -value 1 significance 0,000; • Type of the character -common person, ideal person and famous person -value 0,891 significance 0,000; • The place where the main, character was found-inside house, outside house and public or private place -value 0,810 significance 0,001 • The roles undertaken by the character -testimony, user and give influence -value 0,727 significance 0,003; • Occupation of the character -family, profession, social and celebrity situations -value 0,850 significance 0,001; • The scenarios of the message -seduction, quotidian (everyday life), testimony, nature and mysterious -value 0,762 significance 0,002; The information associated to the products and other dimensions were analysed through descriptive statistics.
The differences between genders were analysed through parametric and non parametric tests.

Gender stereotyping in advertisement messages
Our analysis of the advertisement speech began with the characterisation of the characters, of which results are shown in Table 1.We are before a body of messages in which the majority of the characters are female, predominately urban, of social classes A/B and around 30 years-old.
There are also no significant statistic gender differences in the several ages of the main character, only with a slight prevalence of middle age men.These results confirm international data (Furnham, 1999) in which young women are more prevalent than men.Results also do not show any significant statistic difference between Portugal and Spain.In a second stage, we analysed the categories of products of our sample.Results by gender are shown in Table 2.
The main category of products was body products (35,1%), followed by clothes (17,1%) and household products (11,8%).There are significant statistic differences pertaining gender (chi-square: 38,937 p: 0,003).We can identify some differences concerning clothes body products, in which the majority of the main characters of the messages were male (44,0% to 31,9%), thus contradicting previous analyses stating that women are used as the main characters in the majority of cases.
Females are predominant in ads on household products (15,7% to 2,0%), which is according with all the research on this issue.The same occurs for clothing advertisements (20,5% to 8,0%).
We have also verified that the product or service of the messages is, in the majority of cases, connected to the main character (79,2%), with no significant differences by gender.There are no differences between Portugal and Spain.
We also analysed elements such as the type of character, location of the action and the role of the main character.Results are presented in Tables 3, 4 and 5, showing that the type of dominant character was that of the ideal person, with no significant statistics differences by gender.Once again there are no differences between Portugal and Spain's advertisement.

Type of character Total Masculine
Feminine Both  The type of character was ideal person (64,1%), followed by famous person (19,2%) and common person (16,7%).There is no difference by gender.Characters are placed mainly in outside house, but with no significant statistic differences (chi-square 10,344 with p: 0,111) between genders in the several scenarios, although there is a trend in which the majority of the main characters portrayed outdoors are men (48,5% to 29,5%) which is coherent with international and Portuguese data (Furnham, 1999;Gofman, 1979;Neto & Pinto, 1998;Pereira & Verissimo, 2005, 2008).In Spain the trend is for indoor activities in the majority of cases, which does not interfere in the global distribution by gender.

Type of character
The characters' roles were categorised in three groups: the character that bears testimony, the one that is a user of the product, and the one that can influence the purchase of the product.The results by gender are shown in Table 5.
The characters were divided in those who use the product and those who influence their purchase.In the analysis by gender there are no significant statistic differences (15,745 with p: 0,203), except that men are predominant in the role of influencer (40,0% to 31,9%).Once again these results are according to international and Portuguese research (Furnham, 1999, Gofman, 1979, Neto and Pinto, 1998and Pereira and Verissimo, 2005, 2008).When the characters bears testimony they are predominantly female (10,2% to 2,0%).There are no differences between Portugal and Spain.We also studied the type of activities carried out by the main character, codifying four categories: family, workplace, social or celebrity context.Results are displayed in Table 6.
When analysing the contents conveyed by the messages, the results are displayed in Table 8.The results show us that when the masculine gender is the main character the ads have a social significance (chi-square 11,395 with p: 0,003), in more cases than the ones in which the main character is feminine (98,0% to 80,1%), the same being true for contents related to social prestige (50,0% to 21,1%).
When a product that is advertised needs more rational reference concerning product benefits, the main character is mostly feminine (43,4% to 34,0%), the same being true when tests are mentioned or evidence shown (16,3% to 6,0%).There are no differences between Portugal and Spain.

Sex and violence in advertisement messages
When analysing "sex and violence in advertisement messages", we firstly set out to identify if the masculine or feminine characters were discriminated.Our analysis shows that only 13,1% depicts inequality between genders.
When looking at how that inequality was manifested, we found it was grounded on a discrimination process (53,0% when the gender of the main character was feminine, i.e., 6,9% of the total amount of messages, and 6,0% when the gender was masculine, i.e., 0,8% of the total amount of messages).We found that there are no differences between Portugal and Spain.
We also verified if the main character displayed stereotyped behaviour, which was true for 21,6% of the messages.These stereotypes were At a second stage, we identified the type of sexual scenes displayed, and we found that there is significant differences (102,831 with p:0,000).In 27,4% of the messages there was sexual content, with more that one scene per message.As expectable, this sexual content was mostly when the main characters were of both genders (96,5%).Interesting was our finding that in 42,0% of the cases sexual scenes were used when the main character was masculine and 10,8% when the character was of the feminine gender, as shown in Table 9.  Explicit sexual language was only found in 2,9% of the messages and 2,0% of them had violent contents, displaying no differences between Portuguese and Spanish advertisement.
Our global evaluation of the sexual and violent contents of the messages, measured by a five-point semantic differential, show that both were below the scale's average measure (3 points), as displayed in Table 10.The analysis by gender shows that there are only statistically significant differences on sexual contents.Confirming the previous analysis, there were more messages with sexual content when the main characters were of both genders, as displayed in Table 11.The global analysis of sexual contents in the messages, showed differences between Portugal and Spain (F: 5,147 with p: 0,024), in which the average for the Spanish messages is 1,88, and for the Portuguese 2,14.Apparently, Spanish advertisement messages have less explicit sexual content than Portuguese messages.

Conclusions
Our gender stereotyping analysis finds that in the advertisement under analysis the female character is dominant, and is, on average, in her thirties.
The social differentiation between men and women portrayed in advertisement revealed that the male character is presented mainly in symbolic social dimensions, connected with prestige and social status, pleasure and success in outdoorsy situations, anchored on social groups built on a sense of belonging and reference.The female character is mostly in social integration situations, undertaking roles or fulfilling tasks connected with family and family security, choosing products that can guarantee their effectiveness when solving problems and dealing with fears, normally acting out their role in an indoor environment.This is reinforced by the use of celebrity voices and opinion leaders that prescribe validate and approve the products and brands.
Apparently, gender stereotypes are closely connected with products and their use (as typically products associated to women are connected with either body products or with household tasks, food and consumerism), while products associated to men are connected to socio-economical projection (cars, work, financial investment and sports).
Moreover, although in lesser situations, women were "objectified" to communicate products that were not directed to a female audience.
Finally, we can state that advertisement broadcasted in Portugal and Spain still have a significant amount of gender stereotypes, which is in agreement with international studies and in agreement with the differences that we found in our societies between women and men.While society will continue with gender stereotypes, the advertisement will continue to reproduce these differences between women and men.
However, there were practically no situations of discrimination of women, placing them in subordinate roles to men.This does not mean that stereotyping is not still used to place men in a position in which they can subordinate women, although in the studied ads that effect was not explicit.
Comparing with our previous research, we can state the gender stereotyping carry on in Portugal and Spain ads continue and, in what pertains sexual and violent contents in Portuguese and Spanish advertisement, we found that commercial communication almost does not use it, maybe because we are in a society that Hofstede (1991) calls feminine, i.e., a society that is mostly maternal, protective and non aggressive or due to Jewish and Christian traditions that place an underlying censorship on each citizen, who ultimately prefer not to watch explicit sex or violence in advertisement, as happens in some western societies.
GenderStereotyping, Sex and Violence in Portuguese and Spanish Advertisement .Francisco Costa Pereira, Jorge Verissimo, Ana Castillo Diaz, Rosário Correia    • In the masculine main character related to:

Table 1 -
Gender of the character in this advertising

Table 2 -
Categories of the products by gender

Table 3 -
Type of character by gender

Table 4 -
Local where we found the principal character

Table 5 -
Role of the character by gender to give credibility to the message

Table 6 -
Occupation by genderThere were four main types of scenarios framing the messages, as shown in Table7.

Table 7 -
Scenarios by Gender

Table 8 -
Information's about products by gender

Table 9 -
Scenes of sex by gender

Table 10 -
Global evaluation about the sex and violence in the messages

Table 11 -
Differences in global evaluation about the presence about sexual contents in the messages by gender